Nevada
businesses would
do well under tax initiative
TASC to
include improvements over Colorado plan
By Steven
Miller
BusinessNevada
The idea of bringing
Colorado-style taxpayer protections to the Silver State
pleases most Nevada businesspeople.
When they learn how successfully Colorado’s Taxpayer Bill of
Rights (TABOR) has kept state government growth in check, or
they learn that personal income growth in Colorado since TABOR
outstripped almost every other state, the common reaction is
to say something like, “Great!—Where do I sign up?”
Other business people, however, are a little more cautious.
They want to know exactly how a key feature of the Colorado
plan—rebating the surplus revenues that come in above the
constitutional limit—would work in Nevada.
Many of these businessmen and women point to the behavior of
legislative Democrats earlier this year when Nevada Governor
Kenny Guinn proposed returning to taxpayers $300 million from
massive state revenue surpluses. Under Guinn’s original plan,
vehicle owners—the largest group in state databases—would have
received a rebate proportional to the registration fees each
owner had paid into state coffers in 2004.
Democrats, however, objected. They demanded that other,
political, criteria be used, so that more of the funds could
be channeled to interest groups active in Nevada elections. In
the Assembly, Democrats insisted that seniors who had paid no
vehicle registration fees should also receive the rebates. In
the State Senate, Sen. Bob Coffin told news reporters that the
surplus revenues should be used to fund his scheme for bonuses
for Nevadans in the military. Sen. Mike Schneider wanted
millions put into “community projects” to “restore landmarks”
and “create jobs.” While Senate Minority Leader Dina Titus
never announced specific alternatives, she condemned as
“inequitable” the idea of paying the rebates out in proportion
to the registration fees that individual and corporate
citizens of Nevada had paid in.
Revealingly, both Titus and Coffin announced more than once
that Guinn’s proportional plan was objectionable because it
would return “the most money to businesses”—as though some
cosmic priciple obviously disqualifies people engaged in
business enterprises from equitable treatment under the law.
In the legislation that Nevada lawmakers eventually passed and
the governor signed, Assembly and Senate Democrats
successfully imposed the principle that they could “spend” tax
rebates, just like other tax dollars, for purposes of
self-interested economic-redistribution politics.
For businesses that pay substantial taxes, such behavior by
elected representatives raises a troubling question: Could a
Colorado-style TABOR amendment in Nevada lead to a situation
where businesses are taxed at the same or even higher
rates—simply to allow to grandstanding politicians to take tax
revenue contributed by business and redistribute it to special
interest groups as rebates?
The answer is no, say sources close to the committee
drafting the most prominent taxpayer protection measure
intended for the Silver State’s 2006 ballot. A member of the
TASC Force for Nevada—TASC standing for Tax and Spending
Control—told BusinessNevada that drafters have settled
in principle on an approach suggested by the American
Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), the nation's largest
bipartisan, individual membership association of state
legislators.
Under this approach, the constitution would require that
rebates go back to the taxpayers who paid 1) the state ad
valorem property taxes, 2) state sales taxes, 3) payroll taxes
or 4) other excise taxes on a basis proportional to the manner
and county in which such taxes were first collected from
taxpayers.
One of the main criticisms of Colorado’s Taxpayer Bill of
Rights coming from business and the conservative side of the
spectrum, has been the ample leeway that TABOR gave to state
lawmakers to play games with the tax refunds.
University of Colorado
Professor of Economics Barry Poulson has written at length on
this. He notes that although most of the TABOR surplus has
historically been generated by Colorado’s income and sales
taxes, state lawmakers soon began abusing the spirit of the
constitutional amendment to begin targeting tax cuts and tax
rebates to the benefit of narrow interest groups. Thus, less
of the surplus was being refunded to the people who actually
paid the excess taxes.
Colorado legislators also abused TABOR, says Poulson, through
Ponzi-like financial manipulations:
“The Legislature chose to retain the surplus revenue generated
in the current year in the general fund reserve, and to
finance rebates from the surplus revenue generated in the
following year,” he writes. While such borrowing from the
future worked when revenues were rising in the boom years, the
flaw became apparent with the post 9-11 recession—forcing the
state to finance its unpaid rebates from reductions in state
spending.
Thus, although the Colorado Taxpayer Bill of Rights has
received much criticism over its “ratchet” effect that
requires state spending to decline when revenues decline, much
of the blame for the modest severity, such as it was, from
forced reduction in state spending, actually rests with the
political avarice of state lawmakers. Year after year, they
insisted on borrowing from anticipated future revenues to
finance current spending.
According to BusinessNevada’s sources, the TASC for Nevada
initiative is benefiting from Colorado’s experience, as its
drafting committees deal in advance with such issues.