a service of the Nevada Policy Research Institute

First, Do No Harm

The unimpressive origins
of U.S. health care policy

By Randall J. Pozdena, PhD

American health care policy has not evolved from careful study and analysis of the health care marketplace. Rather, it has evolved out of a series of poorly informed attempts to pander to certain constituencies and mimic policies of other countries without fully understanding the weaknesses of those policies.

The result is a trend that has dissipated the potential advantages of private, competitive markets. Instead of harnessing the consumer’s powerful cost-containment and quality control abilities, policy makers have chosen to drastically minimize the role of the consumer. Instead of harnessing the private market, they have implemented a series of heavy-handed and ill-considered governmental interventions in healthcare markets.

Proponents of socialized medicine pressed for such intervention throughout the first part of the 20th century. However, the watershed in U.S. government intervention in medical care began during World War II when the first step was taken to remove consumers from direct responsibility for making their health care spending decisions.

This first step was the adoption of tax subsidies for employer-provided health insurance. This resulted in both the implicit subsidization of medical services relative to other goods and services, and reduced direct consumer involvement in the purchase of care.

The second, later step was the dramatic expansion of government-provided insurance, through Medicare and Medicaid, and through increased intervention in health insurance and provider markets. The third major step in the socialization of American medicine is being proposed today in the form of single-payer insurance. The single-payer approach uses government-mandated insurance, direct regulation of provider prices and wages, and controls over the quantity and quality of services in the attempt to contain costs.

The Stimulation of Private Insurance

Prior to World War II, health insurance was a relative rarity, and usually limited only to coverage of catastrophic care or insurance pools covering workers in dangerous industries, such as logging and mining.

Such pools were formed in the Northwest logging industry as early as 1870. The health care market was overwhelmingly private, with less than 10 percent of health care expenditures paid for by government in the late 1920s versus approximately 50 percent today. Perhaps as much as 90 percent of health care expenditures, therefore, were paid for out-of-pocket in 1929 versus less than 18 percent today.

The adoption of tax-subsidies for health insurance was not an intentional, carefully thought-out policy innovation. In fact, it was an inadvertent side effect of the wage and price controls placed on employers during World War II. Companies began offering health care benefits as a way to attract workers after courts ruled they could do so without violating wage and price controls.

The companies did not report these benefits as employee income, thus they were a tax-subsidized form of income. By the time the Federal tax authorities realized what was going on, the tax-exemption was a political sacred cow. The IRS formally endorsed the tax-exempt treatment of employer-provided insurance in 1954. In effect, a scheme to evade a government regulation became a major feature of American health care policy by default. The proportion of medical payments made through private health insurance rose sharply from less than 3 percent in 1940 to 21 percent in 1960.*

Postwar Reforms

In the immediate postwar period, some American politicians and labor groups again began advocating direct government involvement in the provision of health care or health insurance. The advocates were enamored of the health care policies that had evolved in central and southern Europe, and Great Britain. Otto von Bismarck had instituted compulsory, national health insurance in Germany as early as 1883. Britain began its National Health Insurance program in 1911, and the National Health Service in 1948. There had been earlier attempts by American reformers to institute national health insurance, but these had been unsuccessful because the public was relatively happy with health care services, and providers were opposed. A number of states considered single-payer plans between1915 and 1920, but none garnered public support. For example, in California in 1918 a voter referendum on state-provided health insurance failed by a 2-to-1 margin.

Mimicking the policies of socialist Europe had greater cachet in post-WWII America, despite the fact that the quality of U.S. health care was arguably the best in the world at that time. A Gallup poll in 1945 showed 59 percent of Americans favorably disposed toward national health insurance—much greater support than previously registered. Nevertheless, despite President Truman’s strong support, the Wagner-Murray-Dingell national health insurance bill failed to get out of committee in 1947. Later, anti-union and anti-communist popular sentiment killed interest in a national health insurance initiative for the rest of the Truman administration.

Truman’s successor, Dwight D. Eisenhower, was opposed to national health insurance. President Eisenhower briefly endorsed Republican Governor Nelson Rockefeller’s plan for health insurance that covered the costs of catastrophic care only. Instead, Congress passed the Kerr-Mills Act in 1961. This act provided federal aid to existing state public assistance programs to include a new, medical indigence category as a way of underwriting care to the elderly poor.

Although liberal reformers still wanted national health insurance, popular support for it was weak, and reform continued to be focused on expanding Social Security to incorporate health insurance for the elderly. Public support for Medicare legislation, as it came to be called, was not particularly strong in the beginning either. It waned with the popularity of the Kennedy administration, but interest was revived and action finally taken under the Johnson administration.

Medicare, the first national health insurance program in the United States was born on July 9, 1965, when Congress approved the Mills Bill (H.R. 6675), and President Johnson signed it into law (Public Law 89-97). Under the new law, Medicare and Medicaid programs became Title XVIII and Title XIX, respectively, of the Social Security Act.

Whereas Medicare is a national health insurance scheme, Medicaid is a state-administered, federally-aided medical assistance program for low-income persons. Each state is allowed to set use and dollar limitations on the amount, duration, and scope of Medicaid coverage. Also, thanks to “waiver authority” in the Social Security Act, states have latitude in program design as well, under sections 1915(b) and 1115 of the Social Security Act.

As this brief history illustrates, American policy to a significant degree has increasingly eliminated consumer involvement in health care decisions and finance. Advocates of such policy would argue that this direction has been necessary to ensure that the poor can afford medical care. But with the consumer now responsible for less than 18 percent of health care spending, the important side effect of such policy has been to put the cost and quality of health care at the mercy of government regulatory and insurance policies. It has been so long since economic logic prevailed in this market that health care policy is now driven almost entirely by sound-bite policy concepts, most of which involve serious misconceptions about the market for health care.

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*The actual proportion of medical expenditures covered by private insurance prior to the 1940s is unknown. The author has estimated this figure from other sources and US Census data. See, for example, Odin W. Anderson, “Private Expenditures for Drugs and Other Components of Medical Care: A Brief Review from the 1920s to the Present,” Odin W. Anderson, December 1959. return


This article is excerpted from the NPRI study, First Do No Harm: Why American health care policy is failing, and how to fix it, available on the Web at www.npri.org/mgraphs/1stDoNoHarm.pdf .